John Rubino
Karl Golovin, a retired customs agent and security director for Ron Paul's presidential campaign, just forwarded a transcript of Andrew Jackson's farewell address. It's pretty amazing. Here's Karl's intro, followed by an excerpt:
"During his presidency, Andrew Jackson viewed as his crowning achievement that he "Killed the Bank," the 2nd Bank of the U.S. Our current ‘Federal Reserve,' created in 1913, is the 3rd Bank of the U.S. Jackson was intent upon restoring an honest, Constitutional monetary system. There probably never has been written a more articulate, prophetic vision of what calamity would befall our nation if we did not diligently stay that course, as argued by Jackson in the following excerpt from his farewell address in 1837. It reads as if written this very day about our present financial circumstances:"
". . . . In reviewing the conflicts which have taken place between different interests in the United States and the policy pursued since the adoption of our present form of Government, we find nothing that has produced such deep-seated evil as the course of legislation in relation to the currency. The Constitution of the United States unquestionably intended to secure to the people a circulating medium of gold and silver. But the establishment of a national bank by Congress, with the privilege of issuing paper money receivable in the payment of the public dues, and the unfortunate course of legislation in the several States upon the same subject, drove from general circulation the constitutional currency and substituted one of paper in its place.
It was not easy for men engaged in the ordinary pursuits of business, whose attention had not been particularly drawn to the subject, to foresee all the consequences of a currency exclusively of paper, and we ought not on that account to be surprised at the facility with which laws were obtained to carry into effect the paper system. Honest and even enlightened men are sometimes misled by the specious and plausible statements of the designing. But experience has now proved the mischiefs and dangers of a paper currency, and it rests with you to determine whether the proper remedy shall be applied.
The paper system being founded on public confidence and having of itself no intrinsic value, it is liable to great and sudden fluctuations, thereby rendering property insecure and the wages of labor unsteady and uncertain. The corporations which create the paper money cannot be relied upon to keep the circulating medium uniform in amount. In times of prosperity, when confidence is high, they are tempted by the prospect of gain or by the influence of those who hope to profit by it to extend their issues of paper beyond the bounds of discretion and the reasonable demands of business; and when these issues have been pushed on from day to day, until public confidence is at length shaken, then a reaction takes place, and they immediately withdraw the credits they have given, suddenly curtail their issues, and produce an unexpected and ruinous contraction of the circulating medium, which is felt by the whole community. The banks by this means save themselves, and the mischievous consequences of their imprudence or cupidity are visited upon the public. Nor does the evil stop here. These ebbs and flows in the currency and these indiscreet extensions of credit naturally engender a spirit of speculation injurious to the habits and character of the people. We have already seen its effects in the wild spirit of speculation in the public lands and various kinds of stock which within the last year or two seized upon such a multitude of our citizens and threatened to pervade all classes of society and to withdraw their attention from the sober pursuits of honest industry. It is not by encouraging this spirit that we shall best preserve public virtue and promote the true interests of our country; but if your currency continues as exclusively paper as it now is, it will foster this eager desire to amass wealth without labor; it will multiply the number of dependents on bank accommodations and bank favors; the temptation to obtain money at any sacrifice will become stronger and stronger, and inevitably lead to corruption, which will find its way into your public councils and destroy at no distant day the purity of your Government. Some of the evils which arise from this system of paper press with peculiar hardship upon the class of society least able to bear it. A portion of this currency frequently becomes depreciated or worthless, and all of it is easily counterfeited in such a manner as to require peculiar skill and much experience to distinguish the counterfeit from the genuine note. These frauds are most generally perpetrated in the smaller notes, which are used in the daily transactions of ordinary business, and the losses occasioned by them are commonly thrown upon the laboring classes of society, whose situation and pursuits put it out of their power to guard themselves from these impositions, and whose daily wages are necessary for their subsistence. It is the duty of every government so to regulate its currency as to protect this numerous class, as far as practicable, from the impositions of avarice and fraud. It is more especially the duty of the United States, where the Government is emphatically the Government of the people, and where this respectable portion of our citizens are so proudly distinguished from the laboring classes of all other nations by their independent spirit, their love of liberty, their intelligence, and their high tone of moral character. Their industry in peace is the source of our wealth and their bravery in war has covered us with glory; and the Government of the United States will but ill discharge its duties if it leaves them a prey to such dishonest impositions. Yet it is evident that their interests can not be effectually protected unless silver and gold are restored to circulation.
These views alone of the paper currency are sufficient to call for immediate reform; but there is another consideration which should still more strongly press it upon your attention.
Recent events have proved that the paper-money system of this country may be used as an engine to undermine your free institutions, and that those who desire to engross all power in the hands of the few and to govern by corruption or force are aware of its power and prepared to employ it. Your banks now furnish your only circulating medium, and money is plenty or scarce according to the quantity of notes issued by them. While they have capitals not greatly disproportioned to each other, they are competitors in business, and no one of them can exercise dominion over the rest; and although in the present state of the currency these banks may and do operate injuriously upon the habits of business, the pecuniary concerns, and the moral tone of society, yet, from their number and dispersed situation, they can not combine for the purposes of political influence, and whatever may be the dispositions of some of them their power of mischief must necessarily be confined to a narrow space and felt only in their immediate neighborhoods.
But when the charter for the Bank of the United States was obtained from Congress it perfected the schemes of the paper system and gave to its advocates the position they have struggled to obtain from the commencement of the Federal Government to the present hour. The immense capital and peculiar privileges bestowed upon it enabled it to exercise despotic sway over the other banks in every part of the country. From its superior strength it could seriously injure, if not destroy, the business of any one of them which might incur its resentment; and it openly claimed for itself the power of regulating the currency throughout the United States. In other words, it asserted (and it undoubtedly possessed) the power to make money plenty or scarce at its pleasure, at any time and in any quarter of the Union, by controlling the issues of other banks and permitting an expansion or compelling a general contraction of the circulating medium, according to its own will. The other banking institutions were sensible of its strength, and they soon generally became its obedient instruments, ready at all times to execute its mandates; and with the banks necessarily went also that numerous class of persons in our commercial cities who depend altogether on bank credits for their solvency and means of business, and who are therefore obliged, for their own safety, to propitiate the favor of the money power by distinguished zeal and devotion in its service. The result of the ill-advised legislation which established this great monopoly was to concentrate the whole moneyed power of the Union, with its boundless means of corruption and its numerous dependents, under the direction and command of one acknowledged head, thus organizing this particular interest as one body and securing to it unity and concert of action throughout the United States, and enabling it to bring forward upon any occasion its entire and undivided strength to support or defeat any measure of the Government. In the hands of this formidable power, thus perfectly organized, was also placed unlimited dominion over the amount of the circulating medium, giving it the power to regulate the value of property and the fruits of labor in every quarter of the Union, and to bestow prosperity or bring ruin upon any city or section of the country as might best comport with its own interest or policy.
We are not left to conjecture how the moneyed power, thus organized and with such a weapon in its hands, would be likely to use it. The distress and alarm which pervaded and agitated the whole country when the Bank of the United States waged war upon the people in order to compel them to submit to its demands can not yet be forgotten. The ruthless and unsparing temper with which whole cities and communities were oppressed, individuals impoverished and ruined, and a scene of cheerful prosperity suddenly changed into one of gloom and despondency ought to be indelibly impressed on the memory of the people of the United States. If such was its power in a time of peace, what would it not have been in a season of war, with an enemy at your doors? No nation but the freemen of the United States could have come out victorious from such a contest; yet, if you had not conquered, the Government would have passed from the hands of the many to the hands of the few, and this organized money power from its secret conclave would have dictated the choice of your highest officers and compelled you to make peace or war, as best suited their own wishes. The forms of your Government might for a time have remained, but its living spirit would have departed from it.
The distress and sufferings inflicted on the people by the bank are some of the fruits of that system of policy which is continually striving to enlarge the authority of the Federal Government beyond the limits fixed by the Constitution. The powers enumerated in that instrument do not confer on Congress the right to establish such a corporation as the Bank of the United States, and the evil consequences which followed may warn us of the danger of departing from the true rule of construction and of permitting temporary circumstances or the hope of better promoting the public welfare to influence in any degree our decisions upon the extent of the authority of the General Government. Let us abide by the Constitution as it is written, or amend it in the constitutional mode if it is found to be defective.
The severe lessons of experience will, I doubt not, be sufficient to prevent Congress from again chartering such a monopoly, even if the Constitution did not present an insuperable objection to it. But you must remember, my fellow-citizens, that eternal vigilance by the people is the price of liberty, and that you must pay the price if you wish to secure the blessing. It behooves you, therefore, to be watchful in your States as well as in the Federal Government. The power which the moneyed interest can exercise, when concentrated under a single head and with our present system of currency, was sufficiently demonstrated in the struggle made by the Bank of the United States. Defeated in the General Government, tho same class of intriguers and politicians will now resort to the States and endeavor to obtain there the same organization which they failed to perpetuate in the Union; and with specious and deceitful plans of public advantages and State interests and State pride they will endeavor to establish in the different States one moneyed institution with overgrown capital and exclusive privileges sufficient to enable it to control the operations of the other banks. Such an institution will be pregnant with the same evils produced by the Bank of the United States, although its sphere of action is more confined, and in the State in which it is chartered the money power will be able to embody its whole strength and to move together with undivided force to accomplish any object it may wish to attain. You have already had abundant evidence of its power to inflict injury upon the agricultural, mechanical, and laboring classes of society, and over those whose engagements in trade or speculation render them dependent on bank facilities the dominion of the State monopoly will be absolute and their obedience unlimited. With such a bank and a paper currency the money power would in a few years govern the State and control its measures, and if a sufficient number of States can be induced to create such establishments the time will soon come when it will again take the field against the United States and succeed in perfecting and perpetuating its organization by a charter from Congress.
It is one of the serious evils of our present system of banking that it enables one class of society - and that by no means a numerous one - by its control over the currency, to act injuriously upon the interests of all the others and to exercise more than its just proportion of influence in political affairs. The agricultural, the mechanical, and the laboring classes have little or no share in the direction of the great moneyed corporations, and from their habits and the nature of their pursuits they are incapable of forming extensive combinations to act together with united force. Such concert of action may sometimes be produced in a single city or in a small district of country by means of personal communications with each other, but they have no regular or active correspondence with those who are engaged in similar pursuits in distant places; they have but little patronage to give to the press, and exercise but a small share of influence over it; they have no crowd of dependents about them who hope to grow rich without labor by their countenance and favor, and who are therefore always ready to execute their wishes. The planter, the farmer, the mechanic, and the laborer all know that their success depends upon their own industry and economy, and that they must not expect to become suddenly rich by the fruits of their toil. Yet these classes of society form the great body of the people of the United States; they are the bone and sinew of the country - men who love liberty and desire nothing but equal rights and equal laws, and who, moreover, hold the great mass of our national wealth, although it is distributed in moderate amounts among the millions of freemen who possess it. But with overwhelming numbers and wealth on their side they are in constant danger of losing their fair influence in the Government, and with difficulty maintain their just rights against the incessant efforts daily made to encroach upon them. The mischief springs from the power which the moneyed interest derives from a paper currency which they are able to control, from the multitude of corporations with exclusive privileges which they have succeeded in obtaining in the different States, and which are employed altogether for their benefit; and unless you become more watchful in your States and check this spirit of monopoly and thirst for exclusive privileges you will in the end find that the most important powers of Government have been given or bartered away, and the control over your dearest interests has passed into the hands of these corporations.
The paper-money system and its natural associations - monopoly and exclusive privileges - have already struck their roots too deep in the soil, and it will require all your efforts to check its further growth and to eradicate the evil. The men who profit by the abuses and desire to perpetuate them will continue to besiege the halls of legislation in the General Government as well as in the States, and will seek by every artifice to mislead and deceive the public servants. It is to yourselves that you must look for safety and the means of guarding and perpetuating your free institutions. In your hands is rightfully placed the sovereignty of the country, and to you everyone placed in authority is ultimately responsible. It is always in your power to see that the wishes of the people are carried into faithful execution, and their will, when once made known, must sooner or later be obeyed; and while the people remain, as I trust they ever will, uncorrupted and incorruptible, and continue watchful and jealous of their rights, the Government is safe, and the cause of freedom will continue to triumph over all its enemies.
But it will require steady and persevering exertions on your part to rid yourselves of the iniquities and mischiefs of the paper system and to check the spirit of monopoly and other abuses which have sprung up with it, and of which it is the main support. So many interests are united to resist all reform on this subject that you must not hope the conflict will be a short one nor success easy. My humble efforts have not been spared during my administration of the Government to restore the constitutional currency of gold and silver, and something, I trust, has been done toward the accomplishment of this most desirable object; but enough yet remains to require all your energy and perseverance. The power, however, is in your hands, and the remedy must and will be applied if you determine upon it…."
While China has been praised by some Western politicians and pundits, 
Cerchiamo di fare il punto sull'attuale situazione economico-finanziaria. All'ordine del giorno c'è la crisi greca e le quattro ipotesi di svolgimento elaborate da economisti ortodossi, secondo quanto apprendiamo dal recente articolo di Ruggero Paladini [1]:
a) se la sbrighi la Grecia, e se non ci riesce e va in default non è un problema; cosa sono 300 miliardi di euro?
b) la Grecia deve rivolgersi al FMI che serve proprio in casi del genere, ed ha una grande esperienza;
c) bisogna permettere una fuoriuscita – magari temporanea – dall’euro che permetta una svalutazione (competitiva) e quindi un nuovo ingresso;
d) deve intervenire l’Europa, o meglio i paesi dell’euro, per sostenere politicamente e finanziariamente la Grecia; molti aggiungono che si pone poi un problema di politica economica e un salto di qualità dell’Unione Europea.
Qui ci interessa il commento offerto da Paladini alla ipotesi (c): "La terza ipotesi è quella più creativa, ma ha due problemi: il primo è che sembra che i trattati esistenti non la permettano; il secondo è che un eventuale successo dell’operazione sarebbe fatale per l’euro. Supponiamo infatti che la Grecia svalutando rilanci le esportazioni, l’economia e risani il bilancio; perché gli altri paesi porcelli non dovrebbero voler fare lo stesso?" Alla prima obiezione occorre chiarire che proprio il Trattato di Lisbona, come lamenta la Banca Centrale Europea, prevede esplicitamente una clausola di fuoriuscita dalla UE, una "exit clause", che sostanzialmente richiede un preavviso di due anni per l'uscita da parte del paese fuoriuscente. Si tratta dell'articolo 50 del Trattato [2] . Nell'articolo poi si dice che lo stato fuoriuscente potrà anche rientrare nell'Unione in futuro seguendo le indicazioni dell'art. 49.
Quello che lamenta la Banca Centrale Europea è che l'uscita andrebbe concertata col Consiglio d'Europa durante quei due anni di preavviso, ma nel caso non lo fosse non sono previste specifiche sanzioni. Inoltre, la BCE ci informa che, nel caso un paese uscisse anche dall'Unione Monetaria, la sovranità monetaria verrebbe restituita alla banca centrale del paese fuoriuscente, oltre alle riserve valutarie ed al capitale che quest'ultima aveva ceduto alla BCE [3].
Il secondo punto che l'autore dell'articolo solleva è abbastanza ridicolo, mi ricorda un maestro elementare che mi diceva: "Che succederebbe se tutti facessero come te?" Ed io: "Sarei proprio scemo a non fare come loro, no?" E' ridicolo dire che questa possibilità non viene presa in considerazione perché - pur beneficiando potenzialmente la Grecia - verrebbe anche imitata da altri. E allora?
In sostanza, tuttavia, esiste almeno un'altra possibilità meno "eclatante", un quinto scenario che è opportuno illustrare: si tratta della possibilità di emettere una moneta nazionale a circolazione interna, senza uscire dall'Euro o dalla UE. Questa operazione, descritta da tempo da J.Wiseman [4], consiste nell'emettere degli strumenti finanziari (zero-coupon perpetual puttable security) senza chiamarli propriamente "banconote" o "moneta", ma con gli stessi effetti all'atto pratico. Non è una cosa particolarmente nuova. In passato, prima della seconda guerra mondiale, l'Italia fece ampio ricorso a questi "biglietti di stato a corso legale" per l'emissione delle proprie banconote. L'iniziativa prima assoluta - a livello europeo - avvenne nel 1240 quando il Comune di Milano, a corto di moneta dì argento, emise cartamoneta a corso libero, diventando ben presto la capitale della Lombardia [5]. In questo modo, facendo pesare sulla popolazione il solo costo del signoraggio (che potrebbe permettere di eliminare tutte le altre tasse), non aggravato da interessi come avviene invece con l'emissione dei titoli di debito pubblico, concertata lingua-in-bocca coi banchieri privati, allora sì che si potrebbe risollevare l'economia di qualsiasi paese dell'area Euro. In particolare, proprio i cosiddetti paesi PIIGS (Portogallo, Irlanda, Italia Grecia e Spagna), adottando di concerto e tutti assieme la soluzione proposta per la Grecia, potrebbero dare inizio ad un "mercato del mediterraneo" [6] collegandosi anche col nord Africa.
La Grecia è la patria di Aristotele, che più di 2300 anni fa nelle sue opere definiva la moneta strumento di giustizia distributiva, nel senso che per il suo tramite si riescono a quantificare prestazioni e servizi altrimenti non quantificabili (Etica) e uno strumento atto a facilitare gli scambi, soprattutto a distanza (Politica). La Grecia è anche la patria di Isocrate, che 2400 anni fa - nel suo Trapezitico - ci ricorda quanto fosse difficile portare i banchieri in Tribunale... Viene da chiedersi a che livello di corruzione è scesa oggi l'élite della Grecia per non essere più nemmeno in grado di capire ed affermare il suo sacro diritto alla sovranità monetaria.
La morale è sempre la stessa: ai popoli non vengono prospettate effettivamente TUTTE le alternative concrete praticamente realizzabili, ma solo quelle "interessate" tra le quali essi vengono costretti a scegliere... E se i giornalisti e gli economisti non sono tutti collusi in questa gigante opera di disinformazione, ma sono semplicemente inadatti e impreparati a svolgere decentemente il proprio mestiere, che si facciano umilmente da parte, recuperando dignità per tutti.
Note:
1] Ruggero Paladini, "I greci, i porcelli e il tamburo di latta", Eguaglianza & Libertà, 23/02/2010
http://www.eguaglianzaeliberta.it/articolo.asp?id=1221
2] Ecco il testo dell'articolo del Trattato di Lisbona, stranamente ignorato dagli "attivisti":
CONSOLIDATED VERSION OF THE TREATY ON EUROPEAN UNION
Article 50
1. Any Member State may decide to withdraw from theUnion in accordance with its own constitutional requirements.
2. A Member State which decides to withdraw shall notify the European Council of its intention. In the light of the guidelines provided by the European Council, the Union-shall negotiate and conclude an agreement with that State, setting out the arrangements for its withdrawal, taking account of the framework for its future relationship with theUnion. That agreement shall be negotiated in accordance with Article 218(3) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European-Union. It shall be concluded by the Council, acting by a qualified majority, after obtaining the consent of the European Parliament.
3. The Treaties shall cease to apply to the State in question from the date of entry into force of the withdrawal agreement or, failing that, two years after the notification referred to in paragraph 2, unless the European Council, in agreement with the Member State concerned, unanimously decides to extend this period.
4. For the purposes of paragraphs 2 and 3, the member of the European Council or of the Council representing the withdrawing Member State shall not participate in the discussions of the European Council or Council or in decisions concerning it.
A qualified majority shall be defined in accordance with Article 238(3)(b) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European-Union.
5. If a State which has withdrawn from the Union-asks to rejoin, its request shall be subject to the procedure referred to in Article 49.
3] "...withdrawal from EMU would entail: (i) creating a new currency or re-establishing the old currency of the withdrawing Member State; (ii) refunding the departing national central bank’s (NCB) contribution to the European Central Bank’s (ECB) capital, and reimbursing its foreign reserve assets transferred to the Eurosystem; and (iii) transferring full monetary sovereignty back to the seceding NCB..." - da: "Withdrawal and expulsion from the EU and EMU: some reflections", ECB, 2009:
http://www.ecb.int/pub/pdf/scplps/ecblwp10.pdf
4] Vedi:
Come emettere una moneta nazionale italiana senza violare il Trattato di Maastricht
http://leconomistamascherato.blogspot.com/2009/05/come-emettere-una-moneta-nazionale.html
e anche:
Il progetto CENTROBANCA: le Neolire (ITN)
http://leconomistamascherato.blogspot.com/2009/05/come-emettere-una-moneta-nazionale_26.html
5] Ne parlo in un capitolo del mio Moneta Nostra:
http://studimonetari.org/monetanostra.pdf
6] Già nel marzo 2006, Galloni affermava: "Occorrerebbe proporre una ridiscussione dei parametri di stabilità, cercando di spuntare condizioni di maggiore sostenibilità per la nostra economia. Io proporrei inoltre lo sviluppo di un “Mercato Mediterraneo”, un’area di scambio che abbracci i paesi del Sud Europa e dell’Africa settentrionale, un patto questo che potrebbe sostenere e garantire l’Italia. All’uscita dall’euro potremmo anche ignorare le agenzie di rating, se esistesse un progetto di sviluppo valido. "
http://www.tradizione.biz/politica/signoraggio/intervista-a-nino-galloni.html
DI MORENO PASQUINELLI
sollevazione.blogspot.com
Pagare il debito? No grazie!
Si sa che l�Islanda � stata la prima vittima del collasso finanziario partito dagli Stati Uniti. Anzi, il primo caso di vero e proprio default di Stato. Dopo mesi di negoziati e complesse trattative i creditori dell�Islanda, anzitutto grandi banche inglesi e olandesi, hanno imposto all�isola un piano severissimo di rimborso che alla fine � stato sottoscritto dal governo di Rejkyavik. Contro questo piano � stato indetto un referendum che secondo tutti i sondaggi vedr� l�ampia prevalenza di No.
I boiardi del piccolo stato islandese hanno cercato in ogni modo di evitare il referendum che si svolger� il prossimo fine settimana in Islanda, ma ogni sforzo � stato vano. I sondaggi dicono che quasi i tre quarti degli islandesi respingono l'accordo che il Parlamento aveva approvato, in base al quale il paese di impegna a rimborsare al Regno Unito e ai Paesi Bassi, la cifra di 3,9 miliardi di euro (5,3 miliardi di dollari), equivalente ad un terzo dei soldi persi dalle grandi banche inglesi e olandesi come conseguenza del fallimento del sistema bancario islandese nel 2008.
Il PIL dell'Islanda � di circa 17 miliardi di dollari. La cifra da pagare equivale dunque al 30% del PIL annuale dell�isola! Siccome la popolazione islandese � di 320mila abitanti, la cifra di debito a testa � di 16,500 dollari. In base all�accordo il denaro sarebbe stato versato lungo un periodo di 14 anni, il che implica che ogni cittadino islandese dovrebbe sborsare 100 dollari al mese fino al 2025.
